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Game types: Slots a. USA and UK players are not accepted. The spread of closures between regions are also at their lowest for over seven years - with the East of England and the West Midlands at London in particular, which saw Leisure categories driving recovery Source: The Local Data Company Leisure operators make up three of the four fastest growing categories in the report, each for varying reasons: Takeaways have been boosted by the growth of home delivery, which has made stores more viable.
Additionally, strong, branded chains are often franchises - which can be owned and operated by local entrepreneurs. Complimented by the ability to operate throughout lockdowns and the pandemic, there are strong brands meeting emerging consumer needs - which are ripe for growth. Restaurants have been one of the worst performers in the past three years. While administrations and restructurings closed many branches of large chains en masse, new chains have been able to expand quickly into empty spaces and take advantage of lower rents and pent-up demand post-lockdown.
Amusement arcades have taken advantage of vacant units and lower rents to open particularly in suburban areas and seaside towns. While not categorised as leisure, DIY shops, including trade counters, have taken advantage of home improvement trends formed during lockdowns. Banks and financial services net closures have featured in the top 10 fastest declining outlets for the past seven years, except in , when they were eclipsed by other retail categories at the outset of the pandemic. Longer term withdrawal of physical branches, combined with the shift to online banking and digital services is likely to see this trend continue.
Historically, charity shops net closures have been able to expand into vacant retail space. But this is contrasted with two issues which they have been unable to avoid: the shift online for shopping and emerging digital marketplaces for pre-loved items; and staffing issues due to a typical reliance on older volunteers.
For betting shops net closures and fashion retailers net closures , their closure rate has improved significantly compared with previous years: H1 saw 1, fashion retailers closed, driven by multiple high-profile administrations during the pandemic; while betting shops closed in H1 , primarily driven by legislative changes. In addition to pressures on consumer demand, we mustn't also forget that increasing utility, input and labour costs will significantly affect the viability of all high street businesses.
But it remains in a state of transition, and cosmetic interventions alone will not succeed. Success is also likely to depend on the focus of a new Prime Minister, and how they intend to help high streets. Business rates, for instance, will be a critical area for operators, and it will depend on how they are reformed in the near future if at all. To truly level up, the challenge for local leaders - working with businesses and communities - is to create places that work for all those who visit, live or work there.
Whilst the latest numbers show an uptick in new openings as surviving operators return to growth mode, underneath the top-line statistics the trends are hugely varied.
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The applicant had contended that the inspector erred in failing to recognise that the objections he found to aspects of the proposed use change were matters that fell under the responsibility of licensing authorities and would therefore not justify a refusal of planning permission Moore This dismissal of the appeal in this case sets a precedent in that it highlights the inextricable and intertwined nature of the two parallel regimes.
Responsibilities of licensing may also apply to planning, and vice verse. Using case law examples from pollution control and referring specifically to Planning Policy Statement PPS 23, Moore explains that planning and pollution control are separate but complementary procedures with both designed to protect the environment from harm caused from development, but with different objectives. The planning system should therefore not be used to duplicate environmental control, but Moore explains that the divide between the two regulatory regimes is not always clear and that invoking the planning powers for amenity reasons is acceptable even when conditions have been imposed by other means of control.
PPS23 also made the point that the scope of the planning regime extended beyond that of the pollution control regime and that the objectives of planning are broader than those of licensing as they need to consider a wider context to ensure the overall vitality of an area.
It is therefore necessary to use the planning system to control these uses. The responsibilities of planning concern the nature of land use with a major objective being to protect town centres from any detrimental impacts on the vitality and viability of high streets. Managing the change of land use from one use class to another is a major responsibility of planning and is particularly relevant to betting shops.
Managing use change ensures that a balance is achieved between retail and non-retail uses and helps to ensure that high streets remain competitive, diverse and attractive. Clustering of uses is also controlled by planning and this is particularly relevant to betting shops. Some authorities also set a minimum distance that needs be achieved between similar uses to prevent over-concentration. A key finding of this report was that planning committees are more effective and reliable, and are well-equipped for making licensing decisions.
As a result, a recommendation was made that planning departments should take over the licensing function. It was also recommended that the licensing and planning systems should begin immediately. A further recommendation was that licensing appeals should no longer go to magistrates' courts but should, like planning appeals, go to the planning inspectorate. In conclusion, licensing and planning are separate, parallel regimes but often have overlapping responsibilities.
Defining the functions of each regime can be difficult and planning may need to take responsibility on issues where licensing has failed, particularly with respect to protecting the wider urban context that planning seeks to manage. At the time of writing, licensing and planning remain separate regimes. In their report, Planning Out Poverty, The TCPA refer to proliferation and concentrations of betting shops along with uses such as take-aways and off-licences.
Clustering of betting shops and these other non-retail land uses are mentioned alongside dog dirt, litter, cheap alcohol establishments and smoking outside schools as being issues negatively affecting the areas covered in their case studies. The TCPA admits that planning is struggling to offer an effective way of controlling the problem.
Their recommendation was that the government should consider granting new powers, perhaps on a discretionary basis, to allow for community control over changes of use. They go further to explain that this could be achieved by making modifications to the Use Class Order so that the use of retail premises for a betting shop would require planning permission. Concern was voiced that a Use Class change would result in fewer betting shops being opened and this would impact on the amount of employment that bookmakers would be able to offer, especially to the unskilled, the young and women.
Fears were expressed that under stricter regulations, smaller bookmakers might struggle to expand resulting in a lack of competition amongst larger rivals. The Greater London Assembly GLA also made a recommendation in that betting shops be considered sui generis for planning purposes, specifically with the intention of addressing the issue of ever-concentration.
Betting shops were taken out of A2 financial services and instead made Sui Generis. This meant that planning permission would be required for all new betting shops, even if these units were just a change of use from an A2 use which would previously have been permitted development. As of March , there were a total of betting shops in Britain which represents a 1. When betting shops were first legalised, the number of shops rose to around 10, within 6 months Independent rising to a peak of over 16, in the s and s ABB This domination of the market by large bookmakers is a point of planning concern in that it allows the financially powerful companies to elevate property rents, pricing out smaller operators and reducing competition.
London Borough of Brent A current area of concern with betting shops relates to Fixed Odds Betting Terminals FOBT and their affect on mental health, this topic is discussed in more detail in the literature review of this dissertation. In relation to crime, Kumar and Yoshimoto identify that the increase in betting shops is directly related to an increase in crime. This may be a causal connection or an observed association but the increase in one is linked to an increase in the other.
Initial conclusions that can be drawn from these statistics are that the number of betting shops in the UK is declining and there are now less shops than there were in their first year of introduction in It can also be concluded that significant betting shop income is derived from FOBT machines.
Recent research by Kumar and Yoshimoto also shows that in London, an increase in betting shops follow an increase in crime. Literature Review 3. The key themes that emerged were then used to inform the primary research of this dissertation. The Department of Culture, Media and Sport identified gambling as 'a safe bet' creating jobs and playing a meaningful role in the economy. Subsequently, gambling laws were liberalised with the introduction of the Gambling Act This Act shifted the discussion about gambling from one of criminality to one of the gambling industry playing a positive role in the leisure economy.
Licensing was taken away from magistrates and local authorities were given the role of licensing bingo halls, betting shops and casinos. This public perception of proliferation may largely be due to the increased visibility of betting shops in recent years.
In reality, their numbers have halved since the s and yet they have become more visible as they have migrated from the back streets to the side streets to the high streets. Jones et al His claim that anyone could tell that betting shop clusters are a haven for anti-social behaviour is probably an exaggeration used for effect but public opinion and perception even if true carries no material weight in a planning context.
He goes on to describe how large numbers of men congregate outside the betting shops to smoke, drink and cause nuisance which is an intimidating sight for residents. Hubbard argues that this type of rhetoric suggests that local government is powerless to stem the proliferation of betting shops and that licensing and planning regulations are insufficiently robust to allow authorities to prevent new shops from opening.
Harriet Harman is another prominent politician who has highlighted the negative aspects of betting shops. As Shadow Secretary for Culture, Media and Sports in and MP for Peckham in South London, Ms Harman retrospectively criticised the Gambling Act which was passed when she was in government which liberalised gambling laws and transferred the responsibility for licensing of betting premises to local councils. Harman is particularly concerned about how betting shops are blighting communities in low income areas.
According to Harman, an unintended consequence of the Gambling Act has been the proliferation and clustering of betting shops. It is possible that all four machines in a particular shop could be occupied at the same time it is even possible for one person to be playing all four machines at once which might cause an impatient punter to look elsewhere for a vacant machine.
A cluster of betting shops in the same location then offers that opportunity. It can be concluded then that a cluster of betting shops is beneficial for bookmakers who look to maximise income from these profitable machines. Circumventing legislation which prohibits the number of betting machines in a single bookmakers, I understand many are now simply opening another unit just doors down see Fig. This has led to a proliferation of betting shops often in low-income areas.
It is easy for anyone to casually observe that betting shops are more prevalent in areas with high levels of poverty and unemployment and are more scarce and even absent in well-off areas across the UK. Like David Lammy, Harman also argues that the proliferation of bookmakers damages the look and feel of high streets making them feel less safe, less welcoming and less diverse.
The referencing to racial profiling like this is rare, possibly due to its sensitive nature, but may be an area relating to betting shops which is overlooked. The appeal was made against a refused planning application for a betting shop in China Town in the borough of Westminster in London. The inspector referred to concerns that had been expressed at the negative social effects of gambling particularly in relation to the Chinese community. Although controversial, research into racial trends with regards to problem gambling and betting shops may offer very useful insights for planners especially in relation to public health and well-being.
In contrast, Griffiths , in investigating whether there is a relationship between betting shops and crime, concluded that there was no empirical evidence to show that gambling venues, including betting shops, cause crime. His evidence shows that incidents of violence in betting shops were lower than business types such as pubs and hotels but concedes that more data is required at a national and local level and that data held by bookmakers has either never been collected or has never been made public.
In contrast, a very conclusive finding on the link to crime comes from recent research conducted by Kumar and Yoshimoto They investigated the casual effect of crime on the number of betting shops using annual data from London boroughs from to Their study is a response to conclusions by others that, 1 there is a positive correlation between gambling activities and local crime, 2 that gamblers, on average, are from socio-economically deprived backgrounds, and 3 that betting shops tend to be located in areas with high degrees of socio-economic deprivation.
Expressed in another way, a new betting shop is opened in a London borough for every 1. The authors acknowledge the limits of their findings in that the study is not a dual-causality investigation. The study only investigates the link between the increase of betting shops to the increase of crime and not the increase of crime based on the increase of betting shops.
It is often claimed that betting shops attract criminal behaviour in their vicinity, these findings do not confirm this assumption, rather, they confirm that the increase in crime attracts an increase in betting shops. These findings have potential policy implications for licensing and planning. An objective of the Gambling Act is to keep gambling free from crime but these figures show a failure of that intention in London.
Betting shops, along with other non-retail land uses such as building societies, estate agents, nail parlours and tattoo parlours amongst others present a threat to the attractiveness of town centres. Fernie et al maintain that the crux of the debate about non-retail or quasi-retail uses is the extent to which their growth detracts from the attractiveness of town centres.
There is also a claim that service businesses has led to an increased number of retailers closing down. Brent council also stress that over-concentration of uses reduces diversity, reduces footfall and therefore reduces the overall value and attractiveness of high streets.
Writers and researchers are divided on this issue and it is difficult to determine whether there is a deliberate strategy by bookmakers to target the vulnerable in society. RSPH p Findings like these are difficult to explain away but Hubbard takes a more sympathetic view towards bookmakers, claiming it to be a fallacy that bookmakers prey exclusively on local residents and references findings that the majority of punters travelled more than 3 km to bet.
Hubbard also notes that the prevalence of betting is lowest amongst the most deprived and highest amongst the wealthiest, referencing research by The Health Survey For England Using their own rating system, betting shops were awarded a score of -2 along with fast food outlets.
Only payday loan shops scored lower than betting shops with a score of Townshend also adds to the mental health debate concluding that problems of addiction and poor mental health disproportionally affect poorer communities and that academic evidence would strongly suggest that there is a link between proximity, availability, accessibility and consumption of unhealthy shops and services.
The RSPH go further to suggest that businesses that promote health be supported financially by councils. This sentiment is in line with the clear ambition on promoting health set out in the National Planning Policy Framework NPPF CLG but would be difficult to implement when balanced against the other intentions of the NPPF and local planning policies relating to vitality, viability, diversity and competition.
It is also not the role of planning to favour one business interest or land use over another on a high street but to encourage a competitive retail environment. The ABB commissioned a report which investigated the economic contribution of betting shops.
The research was commissioned with the intention of focussing specifically on the positive economic contribution of betting shops. The CEBR published the report in and listed below are the most significant findings: 0. The CEBR make clear that the growth strategy of betting shops involves filling vacant premises and that whatever economic benefit a new betting shop may bring, large or small, it will always be more than a vacant high street shop. Restricting the growth of betting shops could deprive local Government of a potential source of increased revenues from business rates.
CEBR On social benefits, the CEBR note the positive employment aspects of betting shops. They highlight the high proportion of employees who are low-skilled, young and female; the individuals who are presently facing the most severe labour market challenges.
Rebecca Cassidy also highlights the social positives of betting shops, pointing to a sense of belonging for punters who bind together in an imagined community which has its origins in working class culture and offer environments which are interesting and fun for those who enjoy The Impact Of Betting Shops On UK High Streets And The Planning Response To It.
In many of the cases it was noted by the inspector that filling a vacant site with a betting shop was still preferable to having a vacant unit even if it was designated to another use class. At its peak, around 16, high street betting shops could be found throughout the UK, but the introduction of online betting has seen this number drop to almost half that, and it continues to decline.
Whilst this certainly had a negative effect on the high street bookmaker, in a roundabout way it gave them a break. In an attempt to reinvigorate high streets the government allowed bookmakers to take up residence in the unused buildings for up to two years without planning permission. Bookmakers target these places because they know they are going to attract a higher number of people to their stores. Evidencing this, the whole of Tyneside has more bookmakers per hectare then the whole of London and a lot of its surrounding boroughs, and a high street in Newham has the most bookies on a single street anywhere in the UK — Credit Jaggery Geography Well the stats certainly suggest not.
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