For all of us, this pandemic has been and will be a defining moment. And, as such, there was no escape from reality. The project was conceived as an analysis of the speculative nature of art as a field of knowledge and experience production. It aimed to generate readings and interpretations of artworks under different conditions of display, including the physical exhibition throughout distinct spaces of the pavilion, as well as other platforms such as publications and partnering venues.
With such premises in its inception alongside the evidence of a world at the edge of a new medical, social, economic and political paradigm, this exhibition could not be — should not be — based on the same prerogatives that typically would have involved a project of this magnitude.
Of course this was not the only large-scale art event affected by the unique conditions of our time. However, whilst some international events proceeded with a barely IRL — in real life — public, others tried to catch up with global audiences online. Image posted on Instagram on 29 May 1 See pp. Quoted by Ana Kiffer, p. The truth of the matter is that whilst the world was getting out of the first and second Covid lockdowns, terrifying news from Brazil continued to report daily deaths equivalent to the falling of transcontinental aeroplanes.
But that did not restrain poetry — reality did not stop art or its displays — at least for some time. And that scission in communal temporality — from that initial portal that Indian author Arundhati Roy so beautifully narrated as defining the pandemic — became even more pertinent than the prerogatives of the curators, the framework under which the exhibition, but also the book that you are about to read, was formulated. This volume contains responses to that epic, unprecedented time.
As the curators and the rest of the team embarked on a Bienal edition like no other, we collectively decided we could not produce the usual catalogue. We needed to capture the essence of the moment, and harvest something that would overcome the present-ness of the matter and its unavoidable consequences. There were tons, more than the ones included here, I am afraid — almost impossible to reproduce or financially unreachable.
Many were incredibly vivid, priceless. Material for another book, for another time. To what was ultimately gathered we added extraordinary contributions, conversations, poems and pamphlets. We offer you the chance to read and see this material from multiple vantage points and terms embedded in this kaleidoscopic set of imaginaries.
The complex beauty of the works on display, the assertiveness of their claims, and the profound debt they pay by giving visibility to certain stories and agents, is translated into these pages in a number of ways from visual presence to critical interpretation. The statements are subtle entry points to some of the curatorial frameworks and narratives that audiences will encounter in the exhibition space. The correspondences by curators, artists and writers take us back in time to the germinal seeds of the project.
A number of images will be familiar to those who have engaged with Tenteio, the second publication of the Bienal, which introduces the list of participating artists through an unintended visual essay. This publication is also an exercise of returning to a single plane, maintaining aspects of a three-dimensional visual language throughout the Bienal and its partner venues ultimately formulated as a mediation — an institutional framework — as its author, artist Vitor Cesar, observes in his Correspondence The tone of overall book is at times sombre, at times evocative — but always engaging, overtly political.
One could argue that the Bienal format proposes an exercise of art history writing, in which a draft of possible episodes of a speculative History of Art are narrated. A draft that if created with a certain sensibility and blended with the immediate context, offers local entrepreneurship — its agents and institutions — the proper dose of international counterparts. It should put in the value of human capacities and financial means so that some green can grow after the event has passed by.
It should reflect upon something fundamental to that particular ecosystem, and relevant to the field of art at large. For the audience, it should be unique and memorable, yet accessible and familiar — as I believe this edition of the Bienal to be.
Some of the multiple avenues we explore in this volume will be disrupted, discarded or augmented in the exhibition, but make no mistake: they will just be other interpretations and dialogue — as opposed to the interpretation, per se. They are the expression of a certain definition, a certain narrative, a certain limit. Not so long ago, I was reading a reflection on the myriad of defining stories that would have taken place in the last eighteen months.
The number of occasions someone would have understood in the suspension of time that we experienced: the possibility of amending, reinventing or changing their present — and possibly their path to the future — once and for all. Leaps of faith, farewell hugs, moments of impossible nervous laughter, frustrations and overwhelmingly heavy silences.
And then, I remember when I was a child. For a while between the mids and the end of the s, we used to travel every two years from one Spanish city to another. A black family of five, starting a home in every new place. My mother making the effort of adjusting rooms to what we did not know at the time was called nostalgia.
Reflecting on this from the perspective of an adult, it was hard. For a child, for my brothers and I, it was an imposed and extreme change to our world. With the first and second moves, one suffered. Some relevant questions are: Where did this tremendous change take place? Who had the idea? How was the cultural frame inspiring this unique development? There has been some confusion among chess historians, trying to answer in many ways these questions mostly with a mixture of intuition and speculation, because decisive sources were unknown to many of them 3.
There were votes for Spain T. Berlin pp. Also in "Zur Geschichte Viena pp. The most convincing point is the chronology of several chess works. Here is a chain of important facts: 1. We can safely admit as birthplace of the new game a well-known literary circle in Valencia, around , the "Scachs d'amor" manuscript being its first written expression. The lack of modern references to this tremendously significant work is a very strange thing. After this, he included a short and superficial comment in his great book of pp.
He admitted the possibility of the game having been really played, which seems very unlikely. In a note on p. If it is earlier, which on the other hand is an obvious fact , why such a brief and superficial treatment? Is it not a crucial piece of evidence in the whole problem of the origins of modern chess? Murray was inclined towards an Italian scenario in the origins of modern chess, in spite of the opposite ideas already supported by Von der Lasa.
For Murray, a new Valencian MS must have been uncomfortable. What is Valencia in the middle of the Italian splendour of the Renaissance? After the palsy induced by Murray, practically all the chess historians seem satisfied with the state of affairs. Chicco, G. Batsford Londres Stuttgart The list of omissions could be easily multiplied. Such sad phenomena are not rare in chess historiography.
There are no advantages in insisting on it. The first printed chess book was the lost incunabulum by Vicent, in Valencia It contained almost certainly material on modern chess. A discussion came in J. The oldest preserved book on modern chess, i. This work is closely connected with the other two, as I have been able to prove.
A shorter English version of this paper is R. Calvo, "Valencia, birthplace of modern chess". New in Chess, Alkmaar Perea ediciones. El Toboso Madrid It is dated exactly in Author unknown. No relevant connections to the others, except several hints of relations to Italian chess players. I commented the MS O. III from El Escorial in for the first time. Europa Rochade. This work in Latin proves that the Spanish chess material on modern chess was winding up in Bourgogne. The so-called Paris MS, from the first quarter of the 16th century, is due to Lucena and bears his own signature.
Written in French, with strong influences of Spanish idioms. The MS Paris f. Only after this, an explosion of works on modern chess takes place with a strong Spanish influence in most of them. The purpose of this paper is to prove that the place where modern chess originated was Valencia, inside a well known chess-literary circle. The MS bears no date and directly says nothing about the city were the events took place.
But Castellvi, Vinyoles and Fenollar were three well-known members of an active literary circle in Valencia, at the end of the XV century, and their works are of paramount importance to the questions of the origins of modern chess. These three chess players and writers enjoyed in Valencia, during the last quarter of the 15th century, a remarkable social prestige and political influence. Estudis de Llengua i Literatura. Marfil ]. The dating of the MS, and therefore the first appearance of a modern chess game can be done by indirect evidence linked with the biographies of the involved actors.
The MS was discovered relatively late, in but apparently it has disappeared during the Spanish Civil War It was found by the Jesuit P. According to him, the MS consists in 13 written folia and 30 blank pages. The size was x The chess text appears in fol a and 9b Paris 4 de abril Barcelona , Reed. Barcelona Figueras First, a few words about the game itself.
The game is described in the form of an allegory. Mars, playing with the red pieces, tries to obtain the love of Venus, playing with the green pieces. Mercury acts as an arbiter. The three speak in turn, in Catalan verses, probably improvised, as is possible to see even today in literary contests in Valencian towns. Some scholars wrote that it showed a very primitive level of playing. This is questionable. White has made 21 moves, also 21 strophes in verse. Black has produced 20 strophes.
The arbiter, another Altogether, There are 3 introductory strophes or stanzas explaining the allegory, which adds up to the sum of 64 strophes, as many as there are squares on the chess board, which was obviously one of the purposes of the allegory. In other words, the game was invented and we cannot draw any conclusion about the real playing strength of Castellvi, Fenollar and Vinyoles when a literary purpose clearly dominates the course of such a chess game. The title of the manuscript also uses the word "jnventada".
Inventions, puzzles and literary contests appear frequently in the activities of these three Valencian poets and chess players. It allows an approximation to the intellectual atmosphere in which modern chess seems to have been born. A gallant game of love creates an allegorical battle were chess pieces represent different aesthetic, even moralistic, embodiements. Beauty, Reason, Will or Shame play over the board a love game where descriptions of the technical aspects are interwoven with other layers o expression.
Even though he is the first known winner of a game of modern chess, he is relatively unknown. He was lord of several towns in the area around Jativa. He acted as a close adviser in the Aragonese court of King Ferdinand. He was surely a member of a distinguished Valencian family 9.
Both references appear in an incunabulum printed in Valencia in by Nicolaus Spindeler, where a sermon by Narcis Vinyoles is also included. The name Castellvi originated in Bourgogne. The most important fact is that Castellvi died on the 6th of November, , and this is therefore the ultimate limit for the datation of the manuscript, which has no date. His attitude reflects a liking for struggle, confrontation against difficulties, will of triumph.
It is clearly an expansive and vitalistic mentality of contagious optimism. In a sharp contrast, the cautious Vinyoles acts as a careful conservative in love or war matters. In particular the pairs of stanzas and are typically opposite. One of these poems, published in the "Cancionero General" de Hernando del Castillo Second edition,Valencia , consists of a "demanda adevinativa", a word puzzle aimed at obtaining the name of a given lady: seven letters, four syllables, the first two syllables being "one of the highest names sounding in the passion of Jesus Christ" and the second two syllables a great award.
Fenollar poses the question and Castellvi and Vinyoles found the answer: "Elionor". Eli, lamma sabbactani is one of the cries of Jesus on the cross. Onor means honour. The mute letter "H" was used in a very erratic manner in those times. Vinyoles explains more: the complete name of this lady was "de Corbera", an aristocratic family with a "speaking" coat-of-arms representing a crow "corb" in Catalan.
Elionor de Corbera could have been the muse inspiring a love story which our poets prefer to treat in a delicate way. Bernat Fenollar, a mercurial organizer The abbot "mossen Bernat Fenollar" was born in Penaguila, near Alcoy, in the province of Alicante. He belonged to a notable Valencian family coat-of-arms: or, four bends in sable. The year of his birth is generally estimated as somewhere between and , and he died in Valencia before Fenollar, as a priest, held a post in the cathedral of Valencia, and in was also active as a professor of mathematics in the University.
The Catalonian title "mossen" was mainly given to clergymen, but not exclusively. As we shall see, Vinyoles also held this title in the later years of his life, even though he was a lay man and a married one. The importance of the abbot Fenollar lies in his activities as literary patron and organizer of cultural contests in Valencia. He was the soul of the group, and probably not in vain appears in the chess game in the role of Mercury, the arbiter.
Most important is the fact that the first printed books in Valencia, and according to several sources in the whole Spain, were introduced by the group around Fenollar. The earliest incunabulum is "Obres e trobes en llaors de la Verge Maria", printed by Lambertus Palmart in after a literary contest which took place the 24th March of this year in honour of the Virgin Mary. Fenollar acted as the secretary of the jury and there were several contributions by Castellvi, Vinyoles and Fenollar himself.
It is a well-established fact that most of the early printers in Spain were Germans. Jahrhunderts im Auslande". In Valencia, the Mediterranean culture centre of the 15th century, there were many German printers, working alone or in couples. This is relevant to us because it shows his relationship with the printers of the chess books.
For us one such duo is extremely important: Petrus Hagenbach and Leonard Hutz, because the latter went afterwards to Salamanca where he printed the chess book of Lucena. Jesu Christ" which proves a relationship of the chess circle of Valencia with the future printer of the chess book of Lucena Jesu Christ". Then, they separated. Hagenbach went to Toledo, where he was still active as a printer in Hutz went to Salamanca, where he joined Lope Sanz and, together with him, printed the chess book of Lucena.
Hutz remained in Salamanca the whole year of , and this is a basic fact in order to date Lucena's work. The list of books printed in Salamanca by Lope Sanz and Leonard Hutz is as follows: 1 Bricot, "Textus abbreviatus logicem Aristoteles", ; 2 Villadiego, "Contra hereticam pravitatem", 8th January ; 3 Tomas de Aquino,"Commenta in libros Aristoteles de generatione et corruptione", 26th February ; 4 "Leyes del estilo o Declaraciones sobre las leyes del fuero ", 10 February ; 5 Lucena, "Repeticion de amores y arte de Acedrex", No date, or most probably Later, he returned to Valencia, where he was still printing in and These facts are relevant because they enable us to establish a solid link, Leonard Hutz, between Lucena and the chess-literary circle of Valencia, where modern chess seems to have been born.
Of special significance for the Renaissance of chess is Lope de Roca "Alemany" 11 , a true master of the early printing, because he was one of the printers of the chess book of Vicent. Lope de Roca "Alemany" printed on the 25th of October "Lo proces de les olives", a collection of satirical poems which features several contributions by Fenollar and by Vinyoles. The latter is shown in a wood-cut. Pere Trincher 12 , the other printer of Vicent, published alone on the 3rd of February the incunabulum "Obra a llaor de S.
Cristopher, also organized by Fenollar. He started his printing activity in Murcia in but later settled down in Valencia, where he appears in May printing the chess book of Vicent together with Pere Trincher. Lope de Roca "Alemany" died in Valencia in Haebler Konrad Haebler. Several documents prove also a friendly personal relationship among them. Hutz is particularly important because he printed the chess book of Lucena.
The list of the dozen of books printed in Valencia by Lope de Roca "Alemany": during these three years is as follows 1 Vicent, Francesch "Jocs partits dels scachs", 15th May This is the only book he printed together with Pere Trincher. He went to Valencia, where he married Isabel Tenza on the 18th of March , and the documents refer to him as "libretio cive ciutatis barcinone". As late as he was still in Valencia, but later he returned to Barcelona where he was still active in October of In Valencia, his main activity was bookselling or "libreter", and not printing.
His only book, together with Lope de Roca "Alemany", was the chess book of Vicent. But Trincher printed in Valencia, alone, another book on the 3rd of February , entitled "Obra allaor de S. Cristofol", in which the chess patron Fenollar intervenes.
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